Thursday, 19 January 2012

Turkey and Britain: of acceptable Muslim democracies and British interests.


Turkey has been praised as a successful example of how Muslim and democracy are not exclusive terms. As it becomes increasingly difficult to justify economic and military ties with long established dictatorships such as British links with Gaddafi or Mubarak’s old regimes, along comes Turkey, to provide some European premiers with the option of a new discourse of what relations with a self-proclaimed Muslim democracy ought to look like. Specifically, Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party, (AKP), promotes a conservative practice of Islam whilst embracing the traditional accentuated expressions of Turkish nationalism attached to the politician’s profession if she or he wants to remain within the legality.

Winner of the 2002 elections, the then newly formed AKP changed as needed the previous policies of the religious conservative Refah to legitimize the expectations of a new class of business men. AKP profited in popularity via brotherhoods which were not part of the state nor civil society and further developed instrumentalization of religion in Turkey. One of the most popular at the moment is the Fetullah Gülen movement, which manages to combine Islam and free market, and focuses on indoctrination via educational institutions all over the globe.

In spite of their religious tendencies, what was most convenient for those countries promoting the free international flow of capital was AKP’s stance on capitalist policies. Firm believers in privatization and promoters of mass consumption, AKP makes a perfect ally for European countries seeking further economic options in a dire scenario whose ideological coordinates are dictated by market forces. Using the common language of free market, Erdogan’s government and the UK counterpart have engaged in a hasty romantic affair, where they are both unable to admit to each other’s deficiencies. The religious character has been utilized to legitimize AKP’s policy within Turkish borders and with Middle East countries, inasmuch it has provided the UK premier with an easy discourse of artificial tolerance.

Going beyond the discourse, how exactly are these countries benefiting from each other? In order to avoid the necessary intervention on tax avoiding corporations and profit-enhancing schemes, UK companies are taking advantage of agreements between Turkey and UK. Tesco recently expressed its will to expand further in Turkey. A country where striking is heavily penalized and where child labour is common occurrence, Tesco's investment is everything but unquestionable.

Turkey had not yet achieved anything similar to a welfare state. Its long standing issues of working conditions, of access to education, of women's rights, of minority rights, amongst others have been only partially invested in, and those struggling for any of these points are in fact in need of urgent international support. Considering the curtailment of freedoms that the current UK government deems as necessary to put the economy "back on track" it is hardly surprising they consider Turkey as a worthy ally.

But there is more. UK and Turkey's agreements to increase their ties include further contracts between the Turkish Defense industry and British multinational BAE systems. Turkish aspirations to become the 10th biggest world economy are good enough to justify the links between the countries. What is not mentioned in any of the public statements of BAE systems or both governments is who is the likely target of those arms.

What would happen if the UK government was to bomb and kill 35 of its citizens as it happened in the South Eastern village of Uludere last December? There are different scenarios of course. Could we imagine that the majority of media outlets, clearly controlled by the state, wrongly labelled these citizens as terrorists and therefore the massacre as justifiable? It is well known how the voices of dissent are treated: jailed or threatened or both. Could we see a prime minister that instead of humbly stepping down, hardly apologised for the army's alleged mistake and continued to accuse the opposition of siding with terrorists? Perhaps, and this is the key to the alliance between these countries, it is not an inconceivable reality.

AKP has recently been portrayed also as successfully winning the power struggle with the once-unbeatable Turkish army. In reality, they are doing away with any possible contender, paving the way for a virtually uncontested rule.

Children in Turkey are indoctrinated from the first day of school. It is likely that for all of those without a Turkish origin, the exclusion is traumatizing. For those of Turkish origin, their notion of identity is exacerbated until it becomes a racist formula. Yet Erdogan's AKP betrayed its own attempt to deal with the country's institutionalized inequalities which took shape in the so-called Democratic Opening in 2009. The prosecution of civil society advocates, opposition members, human rights groups and anyone that does not buy AKP's populism has shown exactly the undemocratic path AKP has chosen.

Repression in Turkey is brutal. Censorship is common occurrence. Acceptance of difference is almost non existent. Yet Erdogan and his entourage of businessmen campaigned in the Middle East marketing their product, a Muslim democracy that apparently works. With an urgent need of an uprising within its borders that liberates its citizens of an abhorrent and excluding nationalism, Turkey stands as an awkward ally for anyone that not only speaks of true democracy but also practices it.

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